![]()
![]()
This paper was first presented at the Society for Caribbean Linguistics Conference in Georgetown, Guyana in 1995. It was presented again later that year at the Mid-America Linguistics Conference at the University of Kansas, and published in Proceedings of the 1995 Mid-America Linguistics Conference. This paper explains the early stages of the process by which a writing system is being standardized for Belize Kriol.
![]()
Orthography Development for Belize Creole
Ken Decker
Summer Institute of Linguistics
1.0
Introduction to Belize
The young nation of Belize is located at the intersection of Central America with the Caribbean. It is the only country in Central America with English as its official language, but there is a growing Spanish-speaking population. Belize relates politically and socially with both the nations of Central America and the Caribbean region. It has a 1991 estimated population of 194,300 people, of which approximately 30 percent, identify themselves as Creoles (Barry 1992:67, 165). The English-lexicon Creole of Belize is the most widely used second language of the country.
2.0
Attitudes of Creoles towards their Creole speech
In most cases around the Caribbean, historically, Creole languages have not been accepted as legitimate languages. They have been called "bad," "broken," or "bastard" forms of more dominant languages. There has been considerable research into language attitudes in Creole communities. (for example see: Ferguson 1959, Stewart 1962, and Devonish 1986.) There has been reluctance to consider development of Creole speech varieties because of their perceived limitations and the possible hindrance it may produce to the people's development in the more prestigious languages. However, as LePage (1980:341-2) pointed out, Creole in one social situation may be stigmatized while in another situation it is cultivated for identification.
In recent years the observation
has been made that attitudes are changing to be more positive towards the
recognition of the Creole vernaculars. Major language development is
progressing in numerous Caribbean nations where Creole languages are spoken,
such as in Netherlands Antilles, St. Lucia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Australia, and
Belize.
2.1 Reports of negative attitudes towards Kriol in Belize
Negative attitudes toward the use
and development of Belize Kriol (BK) have been summarized by Cooper (n.d.) As
shown in the following list of objections :
1. Creole is stigmatized; with
the development of orthographies and their use, this attitude has begun to
shift.
2. Creole has no standard
phonology, morphology, or syntax; there are too many varieties.
3. Creole has no standardized
orthography.
4. There is no body of Creole
literature to draw upon for literacy.
5. Creole literacy would cut off
its users from the rest of the world.
Lopez (1991:15-6), in his
analysis of the merits of making Belize Kriol the national language in Belize,
refutes all of these arguments against the recognition of BK as a language,
except the fact that there is no standardized orthography. He points out that
the Ministry of Education did discuss the possibility of the development of an
orthography in the 1980's, but that the idea was discarded due to the
expectation that the financial cost of the development of teaching materials
and textbooks would be prohibitive.
2.2 Reports of positive attitudes toward Kriol in Belize
There is much evidence of
positive attitudes towards BK use and development in Belize. Most people will
acknowledge that BK is used in many social situations everyday. Cooper (n.d.:9)
concludes, from a 1986 study, that the usual language of office communication
between Belizeans is in Creole, not English. He states that BK is often spoken
in school classrooms, and he reported that some of his non-Kriol,
English-speaking informants felt alienated from Creole friends when they use English.
There are television and radio
programs in which deep mesolectal, if not basilectal, BK is spoken and
promoted. Kriol phrases are used in newspaper articles, promotional posters, on
t-shirts, and billboards. Musicians are marketing tapes with Kriol songs. Plays
have been written and performed in Kriol. There have been numerous poems and
stories published in BK. Several of the most noteworthy are: a BK poem titled
"Tode and Billy" which was published as early as 1935 (Elliot); a
book about BK, including a small glossary, was published by George McKesey in
1974; and a book of BK proverbs was first published by Dr. Colville Young in
1980.
Over the course of recent years,
there have been debates in journals, newspaper editorial columns, and other
public forums concerning the development and use of Kriol, and whether BK is a
'real' language or a dialect. While there are those who wish Kriol would go
away, there are others who feel quite passionate about the validity of the use
and development of BK.
2.3 Research regarding Belize Kriol
There has been some linguistic
analysis of BK. Most notably Young (1973), Escure (1978, 1981, 1991), and
Hellinger (1973). In the area of sociolinguistics, the work of LePage et al
(1974) is quite well known. Other noteworthy sociolinguistic research not cited
elsewhere in this report are Escure (1982) and Kenan et al (1977). There is
much research that is yet to be done.
Marlis Hellinger wrote several
articles concerning the literary future of BK. In her article, "The future
of Belizean Creole" (1974:14), she discusses a number of factors favoring
the development of Kriol:
1. Creole is as strong as ever in
all...functions of the community.
2. Vital cultural
activities...are still carried on in Creole.
3. A number of Belizean writers
have started to use Creole as a literary language....
4. First steps have been taken in
the educational field to give Belizean Creole its proper place in the school
curriculum.
5. Belizean Creole has gained
scientific recognition by local and foreign linguists.
Twenty-five years later these
factors are still true. These local developments, as well as the development of
other Caribbean Creoles, creates an environment that is ripe for development.
3.0 Various methods proposed for writing Creoles
Literary development in Creole
languages has been breaking out all over the Caribbean. Significant development
has occurred in Haitian and St. Lucian French-based Creoles, Papiamentu of the
Netherlands Antilles, and the Islander Creole English of San Andres and
Providence islands. More tentative beginnings have been made in Grenada,
Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaican Patwa. The Creole community of
Trinidad and Tobago has surely been given an encouragement through the
excellent work of Lise Winer (1990).
3.1 The Phonemic Model
In Winer's 1990 proposal of
orthographic standardization for Trinidad and Tobago Creole English (TC), she
presents three models. First is what she calls the Phonemic Model. This model
is similar to systems proposed by Devonish (1986) and Cassidy (1978) for other
Caribbean Creole English varieties.
The Phonemic Model adapts a basic
linguistic phonetic system for the Creole language, thus creating a "one
symbol to one sound" system. This type of system is felt to enhance
initial literacy, and appears quite different from the orthography of the
lexical source language. The Phonemic Model has the disadvantage that it must
be standardized for one specific dialectal pronunciation and may lose
historical and morphological relationships. Possibly the most important point
cited by Winer is that a Phonemic Model would have low social acceptability.
Berry (1970) claims that "an alphabet is successful in so far and only in
so far as it is scientifically and socially acceptable." Hellinger
(1974:26) proposes that social unacceptability must be the reason why Cassidy's
orthography for Jamaican Creole has not been accepted. She relates that,
"in the introduction to Sibley's delightful book [Quashie's reflections in
Jamaican Creole] McLaughlin explains that Cassidy's phonemic system, which 'may
subsequently become standard orthography for the Creole' (Sibley 1968:xii), has
been altered in the direction of the English model 'for the sake of
intelligibility.'"
3.2 Difficulty with phonemic alphabets
Linguists and literacy
specialists of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics (SIL), in their work with developing languages around the
world, have identified some problems with phonemic alphabets. Phonemic
alphabets are generally praised for their ease of learning by the beginning
reader. However, Grimes and Gordon (cited in Dawson, 1989:1) point out that the
best alphabet for a fluent reader is different from the needs of the beginning
reader. Phonemic alphabets have been shown to be easy to learn for the new
reader, who reads by decoding sound by sound. The fluent reader reads by
identifying words and phrases as whole chunks of information. Therefore, the
fluent reader needs words to maintain recognized shapes regardless of the
changes in pronunciation due to morphophonemic variations of a word.
3.3 The Historical-Etymological Model
Winer next discusses the
Historical-Etymological Model. In this model, words are spelled as they have
been spelled in the historical form in the language from which the words have
come. A phonemic representation would be used for: new words, words with no
historical precedence, and words with unknown etymologies. While being highly
acceptable and accessible to those favoring the lexical source language, it
preserves all the orthographic inconsistencies of the historic word forms and
adds new forms in the phonemic representations. It also maintains the
appearance that the Creole is subordinate to the lexical source language.
A method similar to the
Historical-Etymological Model was proposed for BK by Richard Hadel (1974). I
have tested texts written like this in BK with Belizean Creoles, and as Hadel
predicts, people can read it quite easily, but the informants nearly all said,
"but it's not Kriol!" Having some appearance of difference from the
lexical source language is important.
3.4 The Modified English Model
The third model described by
Winer is called the Modified English Model. This model is described as
retaining the spelling for words shared by both the lexical source language and
the Creole, only salient features would be changed. For example, English
'through', following BK pronunciation would be spelled 'chrough'. In this
example, only the first phoneme in BK pronunciation is different from English
pronunciation. Words that have an established spelling would retain that
spelling, and other words would receive a phonemic spelling. This model has the
advantage of being more accessible to those already literate in English, but,
as with the Etymological-Historical Model, it maintains all the inconsistencies
of English spelling as well as adding new variations found in the phonemic
spellings.
Winer reports that this model is
closest to what has been used in TC literary works. This is true for Belize
also. However, writers have usually been unsystematic in their spellings. In BK
texts, I have often found the same word spelled different ways in the same
text, or even the same sentence. This will tend to discourage the reader and
make the language look like an inferior system compared to the lexical source
language.
4.0 Principles for orthography design in English-based Creoles
Tom Crowell, SIL's former
International Literacy Coordinator, suggests that in most situations
"alphabet symbols are chosen for thirty percent linguistic reasons and
seventy percent because of non-lingistic motivations." (cited in Henne,
1991:12) therefore, anyone who would endeavor to design an orthography should
follow principles that have already been discovered. William Smalley (cited in
Henne, 1991:12) identified five factors that are important in guiding
orthography design. They are:
1. Maximum motivation for the
learner and acceptance by his society and controlling groups such as the
government.
2. Maximum representation of
speech.
3. Maximum ease of learning.
4. Maximum transfer.
5. Maximum ease of reproduction.
Winer (1990:252-3) lists seven
principles to be considered in the standardization of an orthography for TC.
These principles are pertinent to the Belizean situation also.
1. Practicality. The English
(Roman) alphabet should be used without new characters, without diacritics or
accent marks.
2. Consistency. In a phonemic
system, each letter or letter combination signals only one distinctive sound.
3. Pronunciation-based spellings.
Spellings based on pronunciation rather than on presumed etymologies...should
be preferred.
4. Historical precedent. Where
well-established spellings are familiar and accepted, they will be
maintained....
5. Pedagogical support. Given the
opportunity and requirements for writing in tc in schools, spelling should
support literacy in tc as a first language, and also in standard English as a
second....
6. Readability. Readability
should be maximized, primarily for tc speakers, and secondarily for English
speakers...
7. Linguistic independence. TC
(and BK) should be perceived as a legitimate language, different from, as well
as similar to, English.
There is quite a bit of overlap
in Smalley and Winer's lists. "Compromise" could easily be added as
another principle required in the design of an orthography. In a Creole
continuum, you cannot have complete linguistic independence from the lexical
source language and conformity with it.
Smalley's "maximum
transfer" and Winer's "pedagogical support" both relate to the
aspect of conformity to the national language. It has been found that people in
minority language communities often, eventually, want the writing system for
their language to conform to perceived norms of the national language. Dawson
(1989:9) warns alphabet makers: "do not underestimate the
desire of a community to conform to the national language. There are cases
where an orthography has been used acceptably for twenty years, but when
readers become more and more acquainted with their national language through
the school system those features of their own orthography which did not conform
to the national language are rejected."
Although there are many different attitudes held by different people to the type of orthography they need, and many sociolinguistic factors to be considered in the design of an orthography, the orthography that conforms to the national language will probably receive the greatest acceptance (Henne, 1991). Gralow (1981:10) points out that people in minority language communities will eventually need to transfer their reading skills to the national language. If the writing systems for the two languages are similar, this can only facilitate learning to read the second language. In a Creole continuum situation, I believe that spelling conformity should be given greater weighting, due to the lexical similarity between the basilect and acrolectal forms.
One difference of note between
the two lists is that Smalley includes "acceptability" as a factor,
whereas Winer discusses acceptability as an end to the principles. Either way,
the acceptability of an orthography to its users is of utmost importance.
4.1 Application of principles to the Belizean context
In Belize, among those active in
promoting Kriol, there is a great desire that written BK appear different from
English to establish that it is a different language. However, this desire for
the appearance of the linguistic independence of Kriol may eventually conflict
with the acceptability of the orthography to the majority of Creoles. When the
linguistic independence becomes established in the minds of Belizeans, would an
orthography that is radically different from English continue to be the best
system for the other needs of the language? In fact, it is possible that even
at this time, an orthography having maximum appearance of being different from
English, may not be acceptable to most Belizeans.
An orthography which diverges
from the 'one symbol - one sound' principle may prove to be the best system. In
Winer's extended description of the consistency principle, she notes exceptions
to the principle, for example: proper nouns, to avoid cumbersome spellings of
common words, to distinguish homophones, and for unassimilated loanwords.
In Belize, there is a high degree
of awareness of English. Many English word forms, or spelling norms, are
already considered as acceptable forms even for those words in Kriol. One
feature of BK is the phonological similarity of many words. For example, BK
/fe:t/ is said for both 'faith' and 'fate'. Although these words are pronounced
the same it would be quite important to have different ways to spell them to
reduce ambiguity. There would also be conflict with consistency when
considering words which have spellings established by historical precedence,
ie. the small, yellow fruit called /krabu:/ has an established spelling of 'oo'
for the /u:/ sound. The consistency offered by a phonemic system may also be in
conflict with the readability of a text for the experienced reader. As
discussed in section 3.2 above, pronunciation-based spellings are helpful for
the beginning reader, but may not help the fluent reader.
5.0 The Rule-based Phonemic Model
The first Belize Creole
orthography workshop was held June 16 and 17, 1994 in Belize City. Twenty-five
of the most active and influential people involved in BK development were
gathered to begin the process of standardizing a writing system. The
participants were first given a short introduction to phonetics, so that we
could talk in more linguistic terms. Next a list of principles, similar to
Winer's list of principles, were discussed to help focus the attention of the
participants on the overall guidelines necessary for this standardization
process. Then four models were presented. The first three models were similar
to the three models described by Winer. The fourth model is a compromise
between the Modified and Phonemic Models.
I call the fourth model a
Rule-based Phonemic Model. The key idea of the Rule-based Phonemic Model is to
maintain the more common spelling conventions of English. This is done by
choosing the most representative ways that sounds are symbolized in English.
Rather than having a 'one symbol - one sound' system, we accept that there will
have to be more than one way to represent some sounds, specifically vowel
sounds for reasons to be outlined below. Consonants maintain the 'one symbol -
one sound' correspondence. In principle, the two or three different ways of
spelling each vowel are chosen from the way those sounds are written most
commonly in English.
The major argument against
leaving the 'one sound - one symbol' dictum, is that the system will be more
difficult to learn. However, I believe that a phonemic system that associates
unfamiliar symbols with the sounds of a language may prove difficult to learn
also. Wiesemann (1989:19) points out that most any orthographic system, even
ones that are not very systematic, can be mastered, given enough time.
"however, the easier the writing system is, that is, the closer it is to
the sound perception of the native speaker, the more quickly it can be
learned and by more people." (italics mine). It is the sound perception
of the speakers with which we are trying to coordinate. Which symbols do
the people associate with which sounds? In a phonemic spelling system, the
sound of /i/ would probably be represented by the letter 'i'. This would be
fine in a country with Spanish as the national language because the /i/ sound
in Spanish is written with an 'i'. In English, the /i/ sound can be written at
least eleven ways. For example: baby (y), he (e), sea (ea), see (ee), machine
(i), field (ie), key (ey), either (ei), people (eo), amoeba (oe), and in Belize
'caye' (aye). The letter 'i' used for the /i/ sound is not a very common
spelling. In English, the more commonly recognized symbols for the /i/ sound
are 'ee' and 'ea'. So, in BK we choose to write the long /i:/ sound with 'ee'
or 'ea'. We reduce the number of ways to spell the /i:/ sound from eleven to
two.
The spelling rules get a bit more
complex. BK has a difference between long and short vowels, 'long' and 'short'
in terms of the length of time the vowel is held. The participants elected to
use the letter 'i' for the short /i/ at the end of some words. This diverges
from English which rarely uses the letter 'i' at the end of a word. In the new
BK system, the letter 'i' is also used for the / I/ (the
high, front, open vowel) sound between consonants, as in big, fish, or ship. It
is hoped that these spelling conventions, guided by rules, will be easier to
learn than the present complex milieu of English spellings.
Another feature of Kriol not
found in English is the heavy nasalization of some vowels. At the workshop it
was decided that we would write 'hn' after the nasalized vowel. When we applied
this convention to all the words in which it seemed relevant, it appears they
are all morpheme final positions, for example: waahn 'want', frahn 'from', and
sohnbady 'somebody'.
Certain spelling rules that are
predominant in English are also used for Kriol spelling, such as the 'silent e'
at the end of words which influences the vowel quality of the preceding vowel,
such as: win and wine, bon 'bun' and bone, and fat and fate. Rules like this
are then extended to other words that have "weird" English spellings;
for example, this 'silent e' rule is applied to 'light' making 'lite', which
the Kriol speaker recognizes due to the familiar rule, and feels that it is
written as it is pronounced.
Applying these rules to some
words can create unusual spellings that are not immediately recognizable. For
example, the long 'o' sound and 'oa' spelling of 'boat' and 'oak' applied to
'ocean' creates the spelling 'oashan'. Dropping the 'silent h' in words like
'wheel, wheat, and white' produces 'weel, weat, and wite'. While these words
initially look unusual, we hope that the spellings can be accepted as more
representative of the BK pronunciation.
The participants at the workshop
felt that they would prefer at this time to keep proper nouns spelled as they
are in English or Spanish. As suggested by Winer for the other models, well
established spellings for some words will be maintained, even if they do not
follow the rules.
Applying this system maintains
consistency while diverging from the 'one symbol - one sound' standard. It
maintains conformity with the national language while creating an appearance
that a Kriol text looks different from an English text. Even though there may
be two possible ways to spell a certain word, there would be fewer
possibilities than in English, and the amount of variation hasn't hindered most
English speakers from mastering that system. It is a system which should assist
the new learner who does not know English because it follows rules. The
spelling rules learned by the new Kriol reader can be transferred to learning
English. Testing has already shown that Belizean Creoles, already literate in
English, have very little difficulty reading a text in this new orthography the
first time they see it.
For a more thorough description
of the system, with examples, see the Kriol
Spelling Guide web page.
6.0 Plans for future development and testing
The Rule-based Phonemic system
gained approval from the participants at the First Belize Creole Orthography
Workshop. A committee was formed from the participants to the workshop to apply
the agreed-upon rules to long lists of commonly used Kriol words and test their
appearance, recognition and ease of readability. This resulted in the
publication of 4000 words in the "Bileez Kriol Glassary an Spellin
Gide" in 1997. The next step will be to test the ease of teaching the new
system. It will be a long process of fine tuning the system but we are
confident that we have made a good solid start towards the standardization of
an efficient and effective orthography for Belize Kriol. A similar system has
also been accepted by the Creole-speakers on the islands of San Andres and
Providence north of the Colombian Caribbean coast.
I will also be interested in
getting responses to this type of a system from speakers of other English-based
Caribbean Creoles. The Rule-based Phonemic system seems to be more adaptable to
forming a pan-Caribbean Creole spelling system because it is not as dialect
specific as a phonemic system.
References
Barry, Tom. 1992. Inside Belize.
Albuquerque, New Mexico: The Inter-hemispheric Education Resource Center.
Berry, Jack. 1970. The making of
alphabets. Readings in the sociology of language, ed. By J. Fishman. The Hague:
Moutan.
Carrington, Lawrence D. 1976.
Determining language education policy in Caribbean sociolinguistc complexes.
International Journal of the Sociology of Language 8:27-44.
Cassidy, F. G.. 1978. A revised
phonemic orthography for Anglophone Caribbean Creoles. Paper presented at the
conference of the Society for Caribbean Linguistics, Cave Hill, Barbados.
Cooper, Vincent O. n.d.
Sociolinguistic change and political reality in Belize. Unpublished ms.
Dawson, Jean. 1989. Orthography
decisions. Notes on Literacy 57.1-13. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Devonish, Hubert. 1986. Language
and liberation: Creole language politics in the Caribbean. London: Karia Press.
Elliot, Rev. James A. C. 1935.
"I am with you always:" and other poems - religious, romantic, and
humerous. London: Arthur H. Stockwell, Limited.
Escure, Genevieve. 1978. Vocalic
change in the Belizean English-Creole continuum and markedness theory. Berkeley
Linguistic Society iv: 283-292. Berkeley: University of California.
____. 1981. Decreolization in a
Creole continuum: Belize. Historicity and variation in Creole studies, ed. by
A. Highfield, and A. Valdman, 27-39. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, Inc.
____. 1982. Contrastive patterns
of intragroup and intergroup interaction in the Creole continuum of Belize.
Language in Society 11:239-264.
____. 1991. Serialization in
Creole oral discourse. Development and structures of Creole languages, ed. by
F. Byrne, and T. Huebner, 179-192. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing
Company.
Ferguson, C. 1959. Diglosia. Word
15:2.325-340.
Gralow, Francis. 1981. Some
sociolinguistic considerations in orthography design. Notes on Literacy
33:8-14. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Hadel, Richard. 1974. Comments
(on M. Hellinger, How to write Belizean Creole). National Studies 2:4.30-32.
Hellinger, Marlis. 1973. Aspects
of Belizean Creole. Folia Linguistica, vol. 6:1/2.118-135. The Hague: Mouton.
____. 1974. The future of
Belizean Creole. National Studies 2:3.11-15.
____. 1976. Creole as a literary
language. Belizean Studies 4:6.19-31.
Henne, Marilyn. 1991.
Orthographies, language planning and politics: reflections of an SIL literacy
muse. Notes on Literacy 65:1-18. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Kenan, Keith; John Sodergnew; and
Robert French. 1977. Speech and social prestige in the Belizean speech
community. Sociocultural dimensions of language use, ed. by Ben G. Blount and
Mary Sanches. 35-50. NY: Academic Press.
Le Page, R. A.. 1980. Theoretical
aspects of sociolinguistic studies in Pidgin and Creole languages. Theoretical
Orientations in Creole Studies, ed. by A.Valdman and A. Highfield, 331-367. NY:
Academic Press.
____. Pauline Christie; Baudouin
Jurdant; A. J. Weekes; and Andree Tabouret-Keller. 1974. Further report on the
sociolinguistic survey of multilingual communities: survey of Cayo District,
British Honduras. Language and Society 3:1-32.
Lopez, Andrew. 1991. Belize
Creole as an official national language: an analysis. SPEAR Reports 7.6-24.
McKesey, George. 1974. The
Belizean lingo. Belize: National Printers Limited.
Stewart, W. A.. 1962. Creole
languages in the Caribbean. Study of the role of second languages in Asia,
Africa and Latin America, ed. by W. A. Rice, 34-53. Washington, D.C.: Center
for Applied Linguistics.
Wiesemann, Ursula. 1989.
Orthography matters. Notes on Literacy 57:14-21. Dallas: Summer Institute of
Linguistics.
Winer, Lise. 1990. Orthographic
standardization for Trinidad and Tobago: linguistic and sociopolitical
considerations in an English Creole community. Language Problems and Language
Planning 14:3.237-268.
Young, Colville N. 1973. Belize
Creole: a study of the creolized English spoken in the city of Belize, in its
cultural and social setting. York, England: University of York dissertation.
_____. 1980. Creole proverbs of
Belize. Belize City: Colville Norbert Young.
How Do We Write Kriol?